Browsing by Subject "Department of Political Science"
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Item Capturing the Space Economy: Private and National Appropriation of the Global Commons(2010-04-21) Brown, KaseyBy international law, space is a global commons, that can be controlled by no single nation. However, states may have a growing vested interest in controlling space and the revenue generating economy it has become host to within the last two decades. With new technological developments, satellites and the services stemming from them are becoming an increasingly lucrative business. Billions of dollars have been invested and billions in revenue are generated by top radiocommunication providers through satellites each year. Furthermore, within the last decade private enterprise has been enabled to conduct earth imaging via satellites for sale for commercial use. Over the past year, I have been conducting research on these areas of the growing satellite economy to understand the tension that has emerged between the understanding of space as a global commons, yet the desire of states and private corporations for appropriation of space. In December, I visited DigitalGlobe, the leading commercial satellite imaging company, in Colorado, for an interview to gain insight on how satellite imaging is conducted and how it has grown in recent years. I have also been researching the financial growth of the largest radiocommunications companies. Finally, I have conducted research on how an international organization, the International Telecommunications Union, plays a role in governance and regulation of the satellite industry, as well as its relationship to the economic activity in space. These pieces of research are instrumental in understanding the size and growth of the space economy, why states and private business have an interest in gaining access to it, and how appropriation of space is handled within the international system while the understanding of space as a global commons remains in tact.Item The Chinese-U.S. Contention for Orbital Space(2011-09-26) Evers, MilesIn 2007, the U.S. and China nearly engaged in military conflict following China’s Anti-satellite test. Yet, the event went relatively unnoticed by current international scholars? The lack of any comprehensive analysis of space relations, beyond rudimentary realist logic, tends to dismiss space analysis, even as it is becoming an ever important realm. Consequently, I attempt to galvanize international relations explanations of space policies and close deficient questions of space power. This research employs a defensive realist perspective to elucidate the more structural constraints on U.S. and Chinese space policies, specifically ideological, economic, and military constraints. For China, I collected speeches, public policies, CCP committee reports, five-year plans, the People’s Republic of China Yearbooks, and a series of scientific literature, between 1950 to 2011. Due to the secrecy of China’s space program, a comparable quantitative table was impossible. Nevertheless, I constructed a comprehensive basis for an otherwise elusive Chinese policy. My findings illustrate how balance of power logic, characteristic to defensive realism, was a consistent drive for both policies. As both countries’ economic and internal reliance became increasing factors for stability, the protection of these assets, against comparable space actors, became necessary. As I demonstrate, the precarious military standoff in 2007 was merely a result of a historical balancing in space. The ability to prevent an arms race in space I leave to the reader, though I conclude prevention is a plausible alternative for both actors.Item Corrupting Africa: International Organizations and the 'Problem' of Corruption in Africa(2011-04-13) Mohammed Nur, LollaSince the 1990s, the global North's dominant understandings of corruption and underdevelopment in the global South have been inextricably linked, and combating corruption has become an international norm. This project explores the discourse around corruption: how corruption is understood as an inherent “problem” of the global South, particularly Africa, and how it is understood as a severe obstacle to modernity, good governance and development. By analyzing the recent anti-corruption activities of three international organizations, the Organization on Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the World Bank, and the United Nations (UN), this project specifically focuses on the dominant discourse that corruption is a hindrance to development and a cause of underdevelopment. Results reveal that all three organizations and their anti-corruption activities subscribe to the dominant, neocolonial framework of understanding the causes of and solutions for corruption - namely, the understanding that corruption is an African 'problem' that must be 'solved' using Western understandings of modernity, progress and development. Furthermore, these international organizations coordinate anticorruption activities from the perspective of multinational corporations, viewing MNCs as a solution to the problem despite the fact that MNCs are usually key participants in bribery and other forms of corruption across international borders. Thus, despite corruption‟s prevalence in the global North, it is primarily understood as a problem of the global South, and the international anti-corruption movement is framed, organized, and coordinated in the global North to be ultimately imposed upon the global South. In conclusion, the paper suggests that instead of viewing corruption in such a neocolonial way - as merely an African 'problem' that must be solved by the global North „s remedies - the anti-corruption movement must nuance its reductionist assumptions about corruption in Africa. More specifically, it must be understood that corruption has varying understandings and meanings depending on the unique political, social, economic and historical contexts of various African societies. As well, corruption may not necessarily be a hindrance to development, nor is 'combating corruption' necessarily the best solution for development and good governance in Africa.Item Developing ‘New Space’: The Economic Policy of Orbital Space(2010-09-14) Evers, MilesUtilizing the Thomas Library of Congress, legislation from 1990 to 2010 was collected if it responded to the keywords: satellite, commercial space, or orbital space. In this way, the apex of U.S. governmental policy could be tracked in its most true form, through a bill’s introduction, alterations, and its subsequent passage, or failure.Item Drawing Goal Lines: Stare Decisis and the U.S. Supreme Court(2010-04-21) Hart, Andrew M.Stare decisis, Latin for “to stand by,” is the central principle of common law. Essentially, stare decisis conveys the idea that once the judicial system has decided a point of law, it should adhere to that decision when the facts in subsequent cases are similar. This is why cases set “precedents,” or in other words, why law developed in past decisions is used to decide new ones. Many of the American judicial system’s most famous cases – for example, Brown v. Board of Education – see the Supreme Court reject precedent explicitly and dramatically to overrule past case law. This leads to the common perception that precedent is simply “applied” or “overturned.” My research takes a different view. I examined cases stemming from Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits certain kinds of discrimination in employer hiring practices. Since the case law interpreting the new statue was created from a clean slate, I was able to trace the entire development of precedent-setting cases stemming from this law. My research confirms that stare decisis is not a rigid mandate to apply or overturn precedent, but a flexible tool that justices on the Supreme Court use to effect outcomes. Justices have personal ideologies and political goals and must act strategically to further those goals. I examine the development of law arising from Title VII to model this strategic action as a process of laying down a “playing field” of basic concepts and directions in the law in the earliest cases arising from new legislation. Subsequent decisions strategically set and reset the “goal lines” on the “playing field,” a process in which the law often shifts dramatically despite the fact that the principle of stare decisis is not violated.Item Interview with Charles Backstrom(University of Minnesota, 1995-04-26) Backstrom, Charles Herbert; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews Charles Backstrom, a professor in the Political Science Department. Backstrom speaks about his work in the Political Science Department and in the state legislature.Item Interview with Frank Sorauf(University of Minnesota, 1984-07-31) Sorauf, Frank J.; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews Frank Sorauf, professor for the Department of Political Science and former dean of the Arts College during the 1970s.Item Interview with John Turner(University of Minnesota, 1984-04-15) Turner, JohnClarke A. Chambers interviews John Turner, Regents' Professor for the Department of Political Science.Item Interview with John Turner(University of Minnesota, 1994-08-26) Turner, John; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews Regents' Professor John Turner of the Department of Political Science. Turner primarily discusses the Magrath administration.Item Interview with Robert Holt(University of Minnesota, 1994-09-07) Holt, Robert T.; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews Robert Holt, professor for the Department of Political Science and dean of the Graduate School.Item Interview with Thomas M. Scott(University of Minnesota, 1995-01-23) Scott, Thomas M.; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews Thomas M. Scott, former professor of political science and director of CURA.Item Interview with W. Phillips Shively(University of Minnesota, 1997-08-27) Shively, W. Phillips; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews W. Phillips Shively, professor for the Department of Political Science. Shively speaks about his experiences during the Nils Hasselmo Administration.Item Interview with W. Phillips Shively(University of Minnesota, 1994-07-05) Shively, W. Phillips; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews W. Phillips Shively, professor for the Department of Political Science.Item Interview with Wally Hilke(University of Minnesota, 1994-09-21) Hilke, Wally; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews Wally Hilke, lawyer for the law offices of Lindquist and Vennum. Hilke is associated with the Department of Political Science, the Student Senate and the Board of Regents at the University.Item Interview with Werner Levi(University of Minnesota, 1984-04-25) Levi, Werner; Chambers, Clarke A.Clarke A. Chambers interviews Werener Levi, professor of Political Science.Item Justice in Transit: Truth and Reconciliation Commissions in Latin America(2010-04-21) Switala, JulianHuman rights violations are occurring at an alarming rate and show no sign of stopping. During the 20th Century governments ruthlessly mass murdered more than four times the number of people killed in the 20th Century’s international and civil wars combined. The enormity of these political injustices cannot be ignored. Transitional justice seeks to redress gross human rights violations through a range of institutional mechanisms after a period of state repression or armed conflict. One such mechanism is a truth and reconciliation commission (TRC) which undertakes the duties of restoring the dignity of victimized citizens, establishing an accurate account of the past, creating a collective memory of historical wrongdoing, and legitimizing the new political system. Knowing when and why TRCs are most successful is not only essential to curbing future human rights violations, but is also key to preventing TRCs from being established in vain. Many Latin American nations have experienced violent governmental repression and several of these nations established TRCs in response. This research project analyzed the Latin American experience of TRCs and contends that TRCs are best able to strengthen democracy, improve human rights protection, and deter future violations if they meet two conditions: (1) the TRC must be established within two years of the time period to be investigated and (2) the TRC must be accompanied by some form of punishment, such as criminal or human rights trials. Ultimately, this research project provides preliminary prescriptions for policymakers who wish to know when, why, and how transitional justice mechanisms are most effective.Item Managing Political Candidates as Brands(2010-04-21) Lieffring, StaciPolitical candidates often incorporate marketing strategies in their cam-paigns for office. What is the most effective way to do so from a marketing perspective? How do candidates form a relationship with voters? Research question: Which aspects of brand identity and branding are the most influential in forming a relationship with a voter for political candidates?Item 'New Space': The U.S. Militarization of Orbital Space(2011-04-13) Evers, MilesMy research focused on the effectiveness and overall policy goals of the United States towards commercializing and militarizing orbital space. Whereas most legislation of U.S. space policy focuses upon the commercialization and liberalization of space, U.S. space policy, the executive policy may take a different aim. Therefore, I used NASA policy as an example of direct U.S. space policy goals. I created a database from NASA’s inception to present, of discrepancies between budget appropriations, research appropriations, allocations for particular research projects, and overall private contractor spending . In this manner, I empirically tracked the relationship behind policy and implementation. Finally, in a more substantive manner, I collected executive statements, published NASA policy statements, and structural reviews of the NASA program. Overall, I was able to collect both empirical and substantive data for an accurate depiction of U.S. space policy. Through my research I was able to uncover an evolving policy of absolute defensive control to strategic economic control of orbital resources, amidst global competition. In this manner, I argue the U.S. is able to achieve global space hegemony in economic space, as a legitimate space actor, thereby justifying its defensive mobilization and status in defining global space policy. Control over space, in this regard, focuses on the creation of normal practices and justification of one’s presence in space.Item Partisan Behavior and the 2008 Senate Elections(2009-04-08) Hayward, MattIn the 2008 elections, 29 incumbent senators ran for reelection. While running as an incumbent typically helps a Senate candidate, a senator's voting record can also be a liability during a campaign. Republican Senate incumbents faced an electorate generally dissatisfied with their party. Accordingly, some Republican senators had electoral incentives to distance themselves from their party, both in their rhetoric and in their Senate roll call votes. However, political parties provide strong incentives for senators to demonstrate party loyalty in their voting records. Most of the senators faced conflicting pressures as they approached the 2008 elections. In this study, I identify patterns in senators' partisan behavior, focusing on the interplay between senators' electoral and partisan incentives. I analyze data on Senate roll call votes from "Congressional Quarterly." I also assess the electoral climate of each Senate race in 2008 then compare these dynamics to variations in incumbents' voting behavior in the Senate. I then compare the patterns in partisan behavior I uncover leading up to the 2008 Senate elections with Senate roll-call voting data since 1991 to establish larger trends in election-based partisan behavior.Item Party Loyalty and Electoral Competitiveness in the U.S. Senate(2010-04-21) Hayward, MattAs the 2010 midterm election approaches, U.S. senators running for reelection encounter conflicting partisan and electoral pressures. Those facing competitive general elections appeal to swing voters by distancing themselves from their party. Meanwhile, senators have strong incentives to demonstrate their party loyalty to colleagues, party leaders, and their party’s electoral base. When senators vote, they must balance these partisan and electoral considerations. I hypothesize that senators facing competitive elections will be less likely to vote with their party than other senators. This project examines the link between senators’ voting records and the competitiveness of Senate elections from 1996 to 2008. Using elections data and vote studies from Congressional Quarterly, I compare senators facing competitive elections with senators defending safe seats. In addition, I analyze changes in senators’ voting patterns over their six-year terms. My results help explain partisan behavior in the U.S. Senate and provide insight into the upcoming election.