Browsing by Subject "Oppression"
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Item An Epistemology of Solidarity: Coalition in the Face of Ignorance(2018-11) Bowman, MelaniePrivileged ignorance about the structures of domination consists not merely in the absence of knowledge, but in the positive production of false information, of encouragement to look away and to actively not-know. I argue that for a person subject to privileged ignorance, attempting to remedy this ignorance by seeking more knowledge brings its own challenges: We have good reason to think that the cognitive distortions that produce privileged ignorance continue to affect a person’s knowledge production even when she becomes aware that they exist. Instead, the epistemically and morally responsible behavior for people privileged with respect to a system of oppression is to interrogate the purpose and provenance of their ignorance and to practice critical trust in the experts (i.e., those who are oppressed under that system). Learning to trust wisely is good for liberatory politics because it demands that we cultivate relationships of trustworthiness. It is also better for knowledge production than pursuing epistemic autonomy, which either vastly constricts what we can know or causes us to overestimate our epistemic abilities in ways that reinforce the cognitive distortions of privilege. Evaluating what we think we know in terms of narrative significance—Whose story does this advance? Which characters are undeveloped? What future narratives does this enable, and which does it foreclose?— in addition to truth-value can offer a solution to paralyzing skepticism and can spur coalitional political action in the face of uncertainty.Item Everyday Oppression: The Challenges of Belonging for Underrepresented Doctoral Students at a Predominantly White Institution(2017-11) Hermida, AlexanderThe attrition of doctoral students in U.S. higher education, especially those who are underrepresented, is an understudied problem. This study examines how underrepresented minority doctoral students experience belonging at a predominantly White institution in the Midwest to identify factors that lead to attrition. The study used a mixed methods approach to examine students’ experiences of sense of belonging via a survey and semi-structured interviews. Findings from a regression analysis indicate that underrepresented students score lower in measures of sense of belonging as compared to White students. The interview data suggest that students of color frequently experience microaggressions and a racialized campus climate. Furthermore, students of color internalize these experiences to the detriment of their psychological and emotional well-being. Interview data also suggest that students who build a strong sense of community in their academic discipline have a stronger overall sense of belonging.Item Faculty beliefs related to admitting and educating nursing students with disabilities.(2010-04) Dahl, Diane L.This study described the views of nursing faculty related to admitting and educating nursing students with disabilities. Participants consisted of 10 nursing faculty from baccalaureate nursing programs with experience either admitting or educating nursing students with disabilities. Two semi-structured open-ended interviews were conducted, audio-taped, and transcribed for each participant. Young's framework of oppression and Oliver's medical/individual model and social model of disability informed this interpretive study. Findings revealed that a medical/individual model of disability informed nursing faculty's decisions and actions in relation to admitting and educating nursing students with disabilities and that nursing faculty lacked awareness of resulting oppressive behaviors. The findings should encourage nursing faculty to examine their beliefs related to educating nursing students with disabilities and change them if those beliefs endorse or actively support the oppression of students with disabilities.Item The lived experience of Type 2 diabetes in urban-based American Indian adolescents.(2011-05) Martin, Lisa C.This qualitative nursing research study used a hermeneutic phenomenological perspective to discover meaning in urban-based American Indian adolescents' experiences living with Type 2 diabetes. The aim of this study was to understand what it meant for urban-based American Indian adolescents to live with and experience Type 2 diabetes. The study used phenomenologic unstructured interviews to describe and represent the adolescent's voice and experiences of living with the disease in an urban community. The study was guided by Max Van Manen's methodology for phenomenological research. This method entailed turning to the phenomenon of interest, then, inquiring and investigating the experience as it was lived rather than as it was conceptualized. The study reflected and analyzed essential themes that characterized the phenomenon of living with Type 2 diabetes and presented the phenomenon through the art of writing and re-writing. Data collection involved in-depth, in-person interviews with analysis of the resulting transcripts. Adolescents in this study described connections with the American Indian culture, past and present family members, and the pragmatic details of living each day with the disease. Essential themes of the adolescents' experiences were found in the lifeworld areas of relationality and temporality, followed by incidental themes in the areas of corporeality and spatiality. The study findings illuminated the participants' personal meanings and validated the phenomenological research process. A preliminary conceptual model based on the lifeworld categories for understanding adolescents' experiences was proposed and had implications for education, research, and practice, supporting continued inquiry.Item Organized ideas, or defeating the culture wars (what we need to know, and how we need to know it)(2014-05) Fink, Ben"What's the matter with Kansas?" Or, more generally: why, given an economic and political situation that benefits so few Americans (roughly...1 percent), do all the others (the roughly...99 percent) willingly accept it, and sometimes even fight for it, seemingly against their interests? The most common answer: they're dumb. Or they've been duped. But this answer won't do. First of all, it's harmful: it perpetuates the Manichean, consumerist, and destructive way of doing politics called "culture war." Second, it's ineffective: to call someone a dupe is to alienate and exclude that person from the conversation. And finally, it's incorrect: "they," and "we," are just doing what makes us feel right. What makes us feel valued, and accepted, and worthwhile, in the communities we live in--the only yardsticks we've got.The answer, rather, lies in the way those communities have been built, formed, expanded, condensed, altered, weakened, and/or destroyed. In a word, how they've been organized. All meaning-making happens in organized groups--"interpretive communities"--which can be as small as two siblings or as large as Christendom. Political meaning-making is no exception. To the extent that all of us act against our interests, which we all do, it's because of the way the communities we live in have been organized, to make certain gestures and actions more valued, accepted, and worthwhile than others.This means that effective rhetoric--rhetoric that makes change--isn't just about finding the right words and saying or writing them. It's also, almost always, about being part of the effort to organize, dis-organize, and/or reorganize interpretive communities. Ideas, no less than people and money, must be organized if they are to be powerful.This is a hard truth for many to swallow, given that most of us have spent a lot of time in that large interpretive community called "academia and para-academia," where the truth is objective (not made by human organizations), and the goal is to find it and write it down, and it will set us free--and the result is a widespread, sometimes even active resistance to building and using our own agency. But it's a truth that the powerful have long known. Many of the most influential "ideas" people in modern politics, from Karl Marx to Carl Schmitt, have been organizers themselves, or have taken very intentional part in organizing work. This is especially true for two of the most powerful political activities in recent U.S. history. One is neoliberalism, the organizing campaign that began in the 1930s and 40s as an alliance among a handful of economists and businessmen and has grown into a worldwide movement that's changed the nature of politics, economics, and human interaction, actively destroying all potential for agency other than being an entrepreneur or consumer. The other is public work, emerging from the democratic populist traditions of the Popular Front, which is working to build a very different world: one where people come together and work, as collective producers, to make the world they--we--live in.